By Paul Eidelberg
An American Political Scientist in Israel recounts the author's conferences with a few of Israel's political and highbrow leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. His ebook finds, for the 1st time, the incorrect mentality of those elites and the way this impacts their overseas coverage. As a political scientist and pupil of the America's Founding Fathers, he offers a certified critique of Israel's ideological and institutional flaws. Eidelberg additionally presents an in depth account of Israel's monetary and technological contribution to the U.S.. opposite to standard opinion, buck for buck, the USA gets extra from Israel than Israel gets from the USA! ultimately, Eidelberg bargains a therapy for Israel's woes. He first indicates that even if Israel, is a democracy from a sociological viewpoint, it isn't a democracy from a political-institutional viewpoint. not just does Israel lack a written structure with institutional tests and balances, yet contributors of the legislature are usually not separately liable to the citizens in constituency elections. working in Israel isn't consultant executive lots as multi-party cupboard executive ruled by way of the major minister. Eidelberg has for this reason drafted a structure that empowers the folks and is in line with simple Judaic rules. -Amazon.ca
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Extra info for American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem
As a result, for the first time in the Arab-Israeli conflict, an Arab armed force may have reached parity with its Israeli counterpart. Second, it spurred anti-Zionism. I lived for nearly three years in Egypt in the 1970s, before Sadat’s dramatic trip to Jerusalem in late 1977, and I recall the relatively low interest in Israel at that time. Israel was plastered all over the news but it hardly figured in conversations. Egyptians seemed happy to delegate this issue to their government. Only after the treaty, which many Egyptians saw as a betrayal, did they themselves take direct interest.
Its social equality, freedom of expression, and pluralism, are viewed as a threat to the feudal social systems and autocratic power structures of the Islamic world. Despite Sadat’s civilian garb, the regime in Cairo continues to rest squarely upon the shoulders of the officer corps. The military and security elite constitutes the domestic power base of the Egyptian leadership, as well as its foreign policy plans and aspirations. 37 The truth is that “Palestinian” self-determination, far from being the crux of the problem, is a barrier to peace in the Middle East.
Distance the enemy from his friends or allies (by raising the specter of war and economic catastrophe). These three objectives may be pursued simultaneously by means of semantic subversion and most effectively by using the language of democracy against democracy. For example, Hitler, a tyrant, appealed to the democratic principle of self-determination to undermine Czechoslovakia’s control of the Sudetenland whose natural frontiers and fortifications were essential for the country’s defense and survival.
American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem by Paul Eidelberg